British and Chinese security officials are seeking to established a “Cyber Dialogue” to discuss cyberattacks amidst hacking accusations by both sides, according to Bloomberg.
The forum is supposedly designed for security officials to manage threats to each other’s national security, by improving communication, allowing, for the first time, private discussion of deterrence measures, and avoiding and preventing escalation, as communicated by people familiar with the matter who spoke on condition of anonymity.
The collaboration comes after China’s top diplomat Wang Yi and British National Security Adviser Jonathan Powell met in Beijing in November agreeing to “confront and resolve issues” and “further enhance regular dialogues” after British officials said a month earlier that they believed Chinese hackers had spied on UK government computer systems for over a decade, and Chinese state-backed actors had compromised its critical infrastructure.
Meanwhile, the European Commission unveiled an updated cybersecurity framework that would tighten protections for critical infrastructure by targeting “high-risk” foreign suppliers of digital equipment and services.
The proposed legislation marks a shift from previous voluntary guidelines toward mandatory rules giving the Commission the authority to require removal of these high-risk vendors from key sectors such as telecommunications and other infrastructure essential to the EU’s economy and security.
Although the proposal doesn’t explicitly name specific companies, officials have previously singled out concerns over equipment from Chinese technology firms like Huawei and ZTE.
The overhaul also includes a revised Cybersecurity Act designed to secure information and communications technology supply chains, streamline certification processes, and improve incident reporting and threat alerts.
The updated law would also empower the EU Agency for Cybersecurity (ENISA) to issue early warnings and support collaboration with Europol and national response teams.
Michael Bell, Founder & CEO, Suzu Labs had this comment:
“The Cyber Dialogue is a pragmatic move, not a naive one.
“In March 2024, the UK publicly accused China of breaching the Electoral Commission and targeting parliamentarians’ email accounts. They sanctioned individuals linked to APT31. They summoned China’s ambassador. Beijing called the accusations “fabricated and malicious slanders.”
“Eight months later, Wang Yi and Jonathan Powell met in Beijing and agreed to establish a Cyber Dialogue. That looks like whiplash, but there’s logic to it.
“Cyber operations exist in a gray zone. They’re not acts of war, but they’re not peacetime activity either. Without communication channels, an incident response could be misread as aggression. Escalation becomes more likely when neither side understands the other’s red lines.
“There’s precedent. In 2015, Obama and Xi established a cyber agreement with hotlines and joint dialogue mechanisms. US officials reported a drop in certain Chinese intrusions afterward. It wasn’t perfect. The US later accused China of violations. But it created a framework for managing the problem.
“The UK is trying something similar. They’re not pretending the threat doesn’t exist. They publicly attributed attacks, imposed sanctions, and issued warnings about Volt Typhoon pre-positioning in critical infrastructure. Now they’re opening a channel to discuss deterrence and prevent miscalculation.
“Whether it works depends on whether both sides actually use it. The 2015 US-China agreement produced results until it didn’t. The UK-China dialogue could follow the same trajectory. But having the channel is better than not having it.
“The alternative, pure confrontation without communication, creates its own risks. In cyberspace, those risks are harder to see until they materialize.
“In regards to the EU targeting “high-risk” tech suppliers, honestly, it sounds like Brussels ran out of patience.
“The 5G Security Toolbox has been voluntary guidance since January 2020. It recommended that member states assess high-risk vendors and impose restrictions where necessary. Six years later, only 10 of 27 member states actually did anything meaningful about Huawei and ZTE. The patchwork approach created exactly the security gaps the Toolbox was supposed to prevent.
“The new legislation fixes that by making removal mandatory. High-risk suppliers must be phased out within three years of the law taking effect. The scope expands beyond mobile networks to fixed and satellite infrastructure across 18 critical sectors: water, electricity, cloud services, semiconductors, medical devices.
“The Commission will conduct EU-wide risk assessments based on country of origin and national security implications. ENISA gets real authority: early threat alerts, centralized incident reporting, coordination with Europol. A formal catalogue of high-risk suppliers will follow via implementing act. Huawei and ZTE are expected to be on it.
“This is expensive. Germany alone faces an estimated €2.5 billion to replace Huawei equipment across Deutsche Telekom, Vodafone, and Telefónica. EU-wide, operators are looking at roughly €3 billion annually in higher infrastructure costs. That’s not a rounding error. It’s why voluntary guidelines failed. Member states and operators kept finding reasons to delay.
“The legislation removes the option to delay. It’s regulatory coercion, and it’s probably necessary. Security through voluntary compliance only works when everyone complies. When half the member states ignore the guidance, you get exploitable gaps.
“For enterprises operating in the EU, this means vendor audits, procurement changes, and certification requirements through ENISA. The three-year timeline sounds manageable until you account for supply chain constraints and the reality that everyone will be competing for the same alternative equipment.
“Both approaches respond to the same underlying reality: Chinese state-affiliated actors have demonstrated capability and intent to compromise Western infrastructure. The UK and EU are choosing different tools to manage that risk.
“The UK is betting that communication reduces the chance of catastrophic miscalculation. The EU is betting that removing the attack surface is more reliable than trusting dialogue.
“Neither approach is wrong. They’re addressing different aspects of the same problem. The UK approach manages the state-to-state relationship. The EU approach manages the technical supply chain risk.
“For enterprises, the implication is clear: you can’t rely on a single approach. You need security architecture that accounts for both diplomatic uncertainty and regulatory mandates. The technology landscape is fragmenting, and your vendor strategy needs to fragment with it.”
John Carberry, Solution Sleuth, Xcape, Inc. follows with this comment:
“The UK-China cyber dialogue signals a shared understanding that unchecked cyber tensions pose serious escalation risks for global powers. Creating forums for discussing deterrence and intentions could minimize miscalculations, even if persistent accusations of espionage between the two nations remain unresolved.
“Concurrently, Europe’s implementation of mandatory restrictions on “high-risk” suppliers demonstrates that dialogue doesn’t automatically equate to trust. The EU’s framework signifies a stricter stance on supply-chain security, transitioning from voluntary recommendations to legally binding regulations with tangible economic impacts. This shift from voluntary guidelines to mandatory exclusions for companies like Huawei and ZTE suggests that while the UK pursues dialogue, the wider Western approach is leaning towards complete technological decoupling.
“ENISA’s augmented responsibilities for early warnings, incident reporting, and cross-border responses further underscore Europe’s focus on cybersecurity as a matter of technological sovereignty rather than mere IT best practices. By granting ENISA and Europol enhanced early-warning capabilities, the EU is fortifying itself against the very state-sponsored actors the UK is now engaging with diplomatically.
“Collectively, these trends illustrate a two-pronged strategy: diplomatic efforts to influence state conduct, combined with structural defenses to mitigate systemic vulnerabilities. Cybersecurity policy is increasingly serving as both a diplomatic instrument and a component of industrial strategy.
“You can’t build a bridge of trust with diplomacy while simultaneously bricking up the windows to keep the “partners” out of the house.”
Trust isn’t built overnight. Which I suspect will mean that any real traction on this will take a while to materialize any results. Which is fine as long as everyone sticks to it.
Nation-state hackers aren’t breaking through the front door— they’re walking in through third-party relationships
Posted in Commentary with tags China on June 15, 2026 by itnerdChinese state-sponsored actors are actively targeting medical, military, and AI research institutions across North America—and the campaigns are persisting precisely because most organizations in these sectors still run annual point-in-time assessments on their third-party relationships. By the time the review runs, the intrusion is months old. An example of this is this National Defence report which is close to 2 months old.
Justin Beals, CEO & Co-Founder, Strike Graph had this to say:
“Nation-state actors aren’t breaking through the front door—they’re finding the unlocked windows in research partnerships, vendor integrations, and shared infrastructure. What makes these campaigns so persistent is that most organizations in medical and AI research are still running point-in-time assessments on their third-party relationships. By the time the annual review runs, the intrusion is already months old. Continuous, evidence-based monitoring isn’t a nice-to-have in sectors handling sensitive research—it’s the only posture that gives you a real shot at catching this activity before the damage is done.”
Ensar CISO at SOCRadar, provided the following comment:
“This campaign reflects a growing trend where nation-state actors target research institutions because they often hold the same strategic information as defense contractors but typically operate with fewer security controls. Universities, medical research centers, and AI labs have become high-value intelligence targets due to their work on emerging technologies, defense-related research, and scientific innovation.
The most concerning aspect is the duration of the intrusion. Remaining undetected for more than a year suggests the attackers prioritized stealth, persistence, and intelligence gathering over disruption. That level of patience is characteristic of advanced state-sponsored espionage operations.
The targeted sectors align closely with China’s strategic priorities, including artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, military modernization, cyber capabilities, and advanced medical research. Access to this information can accelerate domestic research programs, support military planning, and provide insight into future technological developments without the cost and time associated with independent research. From an intelligence perspective, academic institutions often serve as gateways into broader research ecosystems that include government agencies, defense organizations, private contractors, and international partners.
Organizations should assume that sophisticated threat actors are willing to invest years—not days or weeks—to achieve intelligence objectives. Traditional perimeter-focused security is no longer sufficient against these adversaries.
Research institutions should focus on continuous threat hunting, privileged access monitoring, identity security, and protection of intellectual property. The challenge is not simply preventing initial access but detecting subtle, long-term activity that blends into normal research and collaboration workflows.
This case reinforces that cyber espionage is increasingly centered around knowledge acquisition. The battleground is no longer limited to government networks; universities, AI labs, healthcare researchers, and innovation centers are now critical strategic assets. Any organization conducting research with military, AI, biotechnology, or geopolitical relevance should consider itself a potential nation-state target.”
Consider yourself warned that nation state actors are coming for you and coming for you quickly. Thus you need to step up your game in order to counter these threats today.
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